Menachem Begin Speech to the Israeli National Defense College
In the Wake of the Israeli Invasion of Lebanon
August 8, 1982
(Excerpts)
The Second World War, which broke out on Sept. 1, 1939, actually
began on
March 7, 1936. If only France, without Britain (which had some
excellent combat
divisions), had attacked the aggressor, there would have remained no
trace of
Nazi German power and a war which, in three years, changed the whole
of human
history, would have been prevented.
This, therefore, is the international example that explains what is
war
without choice, or a war or one's choosing.
Let us turn from the international example to ourselves. Operation
Peace
for Galilee is not a military operation resulting from the lack of
alternative.
The terrorists did not threaten the existence of the state of Israel;
they
`only' threatened the lives of Israel's citizens and members of the
Jewish
people. There are those who find fault with the second part of that
sentence.
If there was no danger to the existence of the state, why did you go
to war?
I will explain why: We had three wars which we fought without
alternative.
The first was the war of independence, which began on Nov. 30, 1947,
and lasted
until January, 1949.
What happened in that war, which we went off to fight with no
alternative?
Six thousand of our fighters were killed. We were 650,000 Jews in
Eretz Israel,
and the number of fallen amounted to about 1 percent of the Jewish
population.
The second war of no alternative was the Yom Kippur war and the war
of
attrition that preceded it.
Out total casualties in that war of no alternative were 2,297 killed,
6,067 wounded. Together with the war of attrition--which was also a
war of no
alternative--2,659 killed, 7,251 wounded. The terrible total: almost
10,000
casualties.
Our other wars were not without an alternative. In November 1956 we
had a
choice. The reason for going to war then was the need to destroy the
fedayeen,
who did not represent a danger to the existence of the state.
Thus we went off to the Sinai campaign. At that time we conqured most
of
the Sinai Peninsula and reached Sharm el Sheikh. Actually, we
accepted and
submitted to an American dictate, mainly regarding the Gaza Strip
(which David
Ben Gurion called `the liberated portion of the homeland'). John
Foster Dulles,
the then-secretary of State, promised Ben Gurion that an Egyptian
Army would
not return to the Gaza.
The Egyptian Army did enter Gaza. David Ben Gurion sent Mrs. Meir to
Washington to ask Foster Dulles: `What happened? Where are the
promises?' And
he replied, `Would you resume the war for this?'
After 1957, Israel had to wait 10 full years for its flag to fly
again
over that liberated portion of our homeland.
In June 1967, we again had a choice. The Egyptian Army concentrations
in
the Sinai approaches do not prove that Nasser was really about to
attack us. We
must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him.
This was a war of self-defense in the noblest sense of the term. The
government of National Unity then established decided unanimously: we
will take
the initiative and attack the enemy, drive him back and thus assure
the
security of Israel and the future of the nation.
As for Operation Peace for Galilee, it does not really belong to the
category of wars of no alternative. We could have gone on seeing our
civilians
injured at Metulla or Qiryat Shimona or Nahariya. we could have gone
on
counting those killed by explosive charges left in a Jerusalem
supermarket, or
a Petah Tikvah bus stop. All the orders to carry out these acts of
murder and
sabotage came from Beirut. Should we have reconciled ourselves to the
ceaseless
killing of civilians, even after the agreement ending hostilities
reached last
summer, which the terrorists interpreted as an agreement permitting
them to
strike at us from every side, besides Southern Lebanon?
There are slanderers who say that a full year of quiet has passed
between
us and the terrorists. Nonsense. There was not even one month of
quiet. The
newspapers and communications media, including the New York Times and
the
Washington Post, did not publish even one line about our capturing
the gang of
murderers that crossed the Jordan in order to commandeer a bus and
murder its
passengers.
True, such actions were not a threat to the existence of the state.
But
they did threaten the lives of civilians whose number we cannot
estimate, day
after day, week after week, month after month.
During the past nine weeks, we have, in effect, destroyed the combat
potential of 20,000 terrorists. We hold 9,000 in a prison camp.
Between 2,000
and 3,000 were killed and between 7,000 and 9,000 have been captured
and cut
off in Beirut. They have decided to leave there only because they
have no
possibility of remaining there. The problem will be solved.
I-we-can already look beyond the fighting. It will soon be over, we
hope,
and then I believe, indeed I know, we will have a long period of
peace. There
is no other country around us that is capable of attacking us.