Churchill White Paper of 1922     

     [British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill, after consultations with

numerous Zionist leaders in England, issued the following statement that was

intended first and foremost to respond to the growing anger in the Christian

and Moslem Arab communities in Palestine over the direction that British policy

was taking.

     [The key points of this document include: the assertion that British

policy was not designed to harm the Non-Jewish community in Palestine and that

the goal of establishing a Jewish National Homeland did not conflict with the

interests of the Non-Jewish Arab population.

     [Secondly, the document forcefully rejects the Arab claim that a promise

of independence for the Palestine Arabs had been included in the McMahon-

Hussein negotiations in 1916. Ironically, the McMahon letters lacked the clear

language that Churchill uses below in an attempt to undermine that key notion.

Artfully crafted, the document continued to belie what every Palestinian Arab

could see firsthand, that British policy in Palestine was designed to create a

Jewish State, by establishing for the Zionist community an independent

identity, a government and a social structure that, once mature, would

naturally assume control of Palestine.]

                        British White Paper of June 1922

           Issued by British Colonial Secretary, Sir Winston Churchill

     The Secetary of State for the Colonies has given renewed consideration to

the existing political situation in Palestine, with a very earnest desire to

arrive at a settlement of the outstanding questions which have given rise to

uncertainty and unrest among certain sections of the population. After

consultation with the High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert Samuel] the

following statement has been drawn up. It summarizes the essential parts of the

correspondence that has already taken place between the Secretary of State and

a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society of Palestine, which has been for

some time in England, and it states the further conclusions which have since

been reached.

     The tension which has prevailed from time to time in Palestine is mainly

due to apprehensions, which are entertained both by sections of the Arab and by

sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are

concerned are partly based upon exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of

the [Balfour] Declaration favouring the establishment of a Jewish National Home

in Palestine, made on behalf of His Majesty's Government on 2nd November, 1917.

Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that the purpose in view

is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used such as that

Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England is English." His Majesty's

Government regard any such expectation as impracticable and have no such aim in

view. Nor have they at any time contemplated, as appears to be feared by the

Arab deegation, the disappearance or the subordination of the Arabic

population, language, or culture in Palestine. They would draw attention to the

fact that the terms of the Declaration referred to do not contemplate that

Palestine as a whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that

such a Home should be founded `in Palestine.' In this connection it has been

observed with satisfaction that at a meeting of the Zionist Congress, the

supreme governing body of the Zionist Organization, held at Carlsbad in

September, 1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the official statement

of Zionist aims "the determination of the Jewish people to live with the Arab

people on terms of unity and mutual respect, and together with them to make the

common home into a flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure to

each of its peoples an undisturbed national development."

     It is also necessary to point out that the Zionist Commission in

Palestine, now termed the Palestine Zionist Executive, has not desired to

possess, and does not possess, any share in the general administration of the

country. Nor does the special position assigned to the Zionist Organization in

Article IV of the Draft Mandate for Palestine imply any such functions. That

special position relates to the measures to be taken in Palestine affecting the

Jewish population, and contemplates that the organization may assist in the

general development of the country, but does not entitle it to share in any

degree in its government.

     Further, it is contemplated that the status of all citizens of Palestine

in the eyes of the law shall be Palestinian, and it has never been intended

that they, or any section of them, should possess any other juridical status.

     So far as the Jewish population of Palestine are concerned it appears that

some among them are apprehensive that His Majesty's Government may depart from

the policy embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is necessary, therefore,

once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and that that Declaration,

re-affirmed by the Conference of the Principle Allied Powers at San Remo and

again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not susceptible of change.

     During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in

Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000, of whom about one-fourth are

farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own political organs;

an elected assembly for the direction of its domestic concerns; elected

councils in the towns; and an organization for the control of its schools. It

has its elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction of its

religious affairs. Its business is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular

language, and a Hebrew Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive

intellectual life and displays considerable economic activity. This community,

then, with its town and country population, its political, religious, and

social organizations, its own language, its own customs, its own life, has in

fact "national" characteristics. When it is asked what is meant by the

development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that

it is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of

Palestine as a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish

community, with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order

that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on

grounds of religion and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this

community should have the best prospect of free development and provide a full

opportunity for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential

that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on the

sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence of a

Jewish National Home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and

that it should be formally recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection.

     This, then, is the interpretation which His Majesty's Government place

upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary of State is of

opinion that it does not contain or imply anything which need cause either

alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or disappointment to the Jews.

     For the fulfilment of this policy it is necessary that the Jewish

community in Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by immigration.

This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may be the

economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals. It is

essential to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden upon the people

of Palestine as a whole, and that they should not deprive any section of the

present population of their employment. Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled

these conditions. The number of immigrants since the British occupation has

been about 25,000.

    It is necessary also to ensure that persons who are politically undesirable

be excluded from Palestine, and every precaution has been and will be taken by

the Administration to that end.

     It is intended that a special committee should be established in

Palestine, consisting entirely of members of the new Legislative Council

elected by the people, to confer with the administration upon matters relating

to the regulation of immigration. Should any difference of opinion arise

between this committee and the Administration, the matter will be referred to

His Majesty's Government, who will give it special consideration. In addition,

under Article 81 of the draft Palestine Order in Council, any religious

community or considerable section of the population of Palestine will have a

general right to appeal, through the High Commissioner and the Secretary of

State, to the League of Nations on any matter on which they may consider that

the terms of the Mandate are not being fulfilled by the Government of

Palestine.

     With reference to the Constitution which it is now intended to establish

in Palestine, the draft of which has already been published, it is desirable to

make certain points clear. In the first place, it is not the case, as has been

represented by the Arab Delegation, that during the war His Majesty's

Government gave an undertaking that an independent national government should

be at once established in Palestine. This representation mainly rests upon a

letter dated the 24th October, 1915, from Sir Henry McMahon, then His Majesty's

High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif of Mecca, now King Hussein of the

Kingdom of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to the

Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs within

the territories proposed by him. But this promise was given subject to a

reservation made in the same letter, which excluded from its scope, among other

territories, the portions of Syria lying to the west of the District of

Damascus. This reservation has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government

as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The

whole of Palestine west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir. Henry

McMahon's pledge.

     Nevertheless, it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to foster

the establishment of a full measure of self-government in Palestine. But they

are of the opinion that, in the special circumstances of that country, this

should be accomplished by gradual stages and not suddenly. The first step was

taken when, on the institution of a Civil Administration, the nominated

Advisory COuncil, which now exists, was established. It was stated at the time

by the High Commissioner that this was the first step in the development of

self-governing institutions, and it is now proposed to take a second step by

the establishment of a Legislative Council containing a large proportion of

members elected on a wide franchise. It was proposed in the published draft

that three of the members of this Council should be non-official persons

nominated by the High Commissioner, but representations having been made in

opposition to this provision, based on cogent considerations, the Secretary of

State is prepared to omit it. The legislative Council would then consist of the

High Commissioner as President and twelve elected and ten official members. The

Secretary of State is of the opinion that before a further measure of self-

government is extended to Palestine and the Assembly placed in control over the

Executive, it would be wise to allow some time to elapse. During this period

the institutions of the country will have become well established; its

financial credit will be based on firm foundations, and the Palestinian

officials will have been enabled to gain experience of sound methods of

government. After a few years the situation will be again reviewed, and if the

experience of the working of the constitution now to be established so

warranted, a larger share of authority would then be extended to the elected

representatives of the people.

     The Secretary of State would point out that already the present

administration has transferred to a Supreme Council elected by the Moslem

community of Palestine the entire control of Moslem Religious endowments

(Waqfs), and of the Moslem religious Courts. To this Council the Administration

has also voluntarily restored considerable revenues derived from ancient

endowments which have been sequestrated by the Turkish Government. The

Education Department is also advised by a committee representative of all

sections of the population, and the Department of Commerce and Industry has the

benefit of the co-operation of the Chambers of Commerce which have been

established in the principal centres. It is the intention of the Administration

to associate in an increased degree similar representative committees with the

various Deparments of the Government.

     The Secretary of State believes that a policy upon these lines, coupled

with the maintenance of the fullest religious liberty in Palestine and with

scrupulous regard for the rights of each community with reference to its Holy

Places, cannot but commend itself to the various sections of the population,

and that upon this basis may be built up that a spirit of cooperation upon

which the future progress and prosperity of the Holy Land must largely depend.